Fascism in India today: Brief Investigation into the Phenomenon and Our Tasks of Combatting It.

We recognize that there is a fascist offensive going on in India and it bodes grave consequences for our polity and can lead to the establishment of a fascist state if not checked by popular forces. We hold that we still do not have a fascist regime in place though the government is headed by a party of the fascist type. When we say that we still do not have a fascist regime in place we mean that we still do not have an open terroristic dictatorship of the rabidly reactionary monopoly bourgeoisie. All the same we do have actions of the storm troopers of the fascist gangs with tacit or even open government support. They are unfettered by law and thus can be viewed as openly terroristic. The state itself in its machinations and use of the law and order machinery takes recourse to ‘legal’ actions bordering on the illegal and uses it to throw into the dungeons people fighting for their rights thus exercising the rule of ‘process as punishment’ to trample upon civil liberties and break the resistance of the pro-people forces. The other wings of the state, viz., the judiciary largely plays along. The muzzling of the press and covert and overt suppression of constitutional rights on various pretexts could in time facilitate the establishment of a fascist regime. This danger is looming large and we should make efforts to check it in time. All this has to be noted so that we can shape our resistance accordingly. We can still use many of our rights and give shape to a strong resistance to the depredations of the fascists thus preventing a total fascist takeover.

We should also not try to draw parallels between the fascist offensive of the last century and the present on tenuous grounds. Let us note that there is a cardinal difference between the fascist offensive that was there in the twentieth century and the rise of fascist forces today. The former was the result of a serious contention between revolution and counter-revolution. Take all the three major flashpoints of the fascist offensive – Italy, Germany and Spain. In all three the working class and the toiling masses were contending for power. Fascism rode to power in the exigencies of the moment and was not the result of ascending to power in the course of a long haul as in the case of India. There was the existence of a strong international communist movement and the presence of a socialist homeland which inspired confidence in the revolutionary cause among the masses and that was the strength of the anti-fascist forces. The ascendance of right-wing populist or fascist forces in this century is due to the debilitation of the revolutionary forces, their fragmentation and retreat. Fascism in this century is not the answer to the exigencies of the moment but the result of the defeat of the proletarian revolution which having reached the crest has been beaten back and is riding the trough of the revolutionary curve. This makes our task particularly difficult and only a recognition of the historical moment can make us appreciate the gigantic tasks before us and make us beware of any signs of left adventurism. At the same time we should recognize the importance of the task of fighting opportunism and revisionism in our camp for it has led to a hollowing out of the communist movement worldwide and landed it into the present morass. This underscores the need of conducting a theoretical struggle in order to bring about unity within the fragmented CR movement and also lead to party building. A fragmented movement cannot take on the might of the fascist forces. This difference in the historical junctures also puts question mark on the use of the tactics of Popular Fronts, that were forged against the fascist offensive in the last century, today. That the ascendance of fascist or what has been described as right populist forces have come about because of the retreat of the revolutionary forces worldwide accounts for a number of features that should be noted seriously. It is not the acute contention of the forces of revolution and counter revolution that we saw in the last century but the result of the victory of the counter-revolution and its aftermath over a long period of time when the posts won by the working class in whatever form (revolutionary as in the socialist camp or reformist elsewhere) have been attacked and beaten back. In India the fascist party came to power after gaining strength over a long period of time. It was not through any coup d’état or any so-called march on Rome (Mussolini) or Hitler’s appointment by Hindenburg from above. This has to be noted carefully. This party gained majority in two consecutive general elections and is gradually consolidating its hold over power and the state apparatus. Winning through elections endows it with a legitimacy in the eyes of the masses and gives it the confidence to carry on its fascist agenda. This strength should be noted. Keeping this in mind in this context we should lay stress on extra-parliamentary struggles rather than give way to parliamentary manoeuverings as the official left is doing. Even when contending in the parliamentary arena we should keep this in mind.

The BJP has all the power of the money bags. This gives it the means to put into place a gigantic machinery to hoodwink the masses and spread falsehoods. We should not be menaced in the face of such a gigantic machinery but ramp up our propaganda as also our relations with the struggling masses which alone can inspire confidence in our cause among the masses. Leninist tactics of the role of the vanguard should guide us.

One feature of Indian fascism which contrasts with European classical fascism is that it does not at all rely on anti-capitalist propaganda and relies on anti-Muslim propaganda and action backed by Brahminism to gain mass support. That brings us to our manifold tasks which arise from this feature –

The fascist ascendancy comes across as a concurrent political wave with the neo-liberal economic policies which had sharpened the attack on labour and other toiling masses, made attacks on their livelihoods in the name of market efficiency and one by one worked to undo the reforms that gave relief to the masses. Neo-liberalism itself was the capitalist answer to the crisis in the economy, one marked by stagflation in its day. Today the world economy is mired in crisis and that makes life miserable for the masses of the people. In such a situation strong anti-capitalist propaganda should be conducted backed by mass actions and in this the united moves of the CR forces would be of great moment. This anti-capitalist propaganda and resistance to depredations of capital (unemployment, precarious employment, attack on labour rights, inflation etc.) should not be taken lightly in the name of abjuring economism. After all such issues give strength to the fight against neo-liberalism and for the emancipation of the masses from the rule of capital. As such propaganda for socialism should be undertaken. Our propaganda should graphically show how the big bourgeoisie through its support of the fascist formations subverts democracy and how the toiling masses have no say in the democratic process.

This has to be combined with a fight for rights of the masses, against direct attack on the masses by uprooting them in the name of development etc.

The attempts to forge a pan-Hindu identity by glorifying all the regressive practices of Brahminism should be exposed. The fight against caste oppression and patriarchy should be taken up to forge greater unity among the masses while at the same time fighting Brahminical practices that provide fertile ground for the penetration of fascist forces. The question of oppression and exploitation should be linked with the question of the emancipation of the masses. We should fight anti-muslim or anti-minority schemings and projects. We should expose the hypocrisy of the fascist forces who show remarkable flexibility to expand their influence. For example, whereas on the one-hand they carry on anti-muslim lynchings in the name of cow slaughter on the other hand they lend legitimacy to beef-eating in North-Eastern states. The fascists appropriate popular icons for their own purposes. They also take a stake on the ‘secular’ plank in order to corner the minority while consolidating their hold on the majority and accuse other parties of Muslim appeasement. Thus it passed a law on ‘teen talak’ in the name of protecting Muslim women from oppressive practices prevalent in their community. It talks of enacting the Uniform Civil Code, which again appears to be a ‘progressive’ and ‘secular’ move. Combating the inherent anti-minorityism and sheer hypocrisy of such moves would require deft handling on our part for such issues tend to divide the progressive forces too and dent united anti-fascist moves.

That brings us to the question of identity. We should be wary of fronts with identity groups in the name of fighting fascism. After all what they seek is only power sharing and we can see that all their thundering against BJP is to gain a share of power for themselves. They are one of the weakest links in the anti-fascist fights. At the same time we should not in principle reject making temporary alliances with even the most vacillating of allies.

Our anti-fascist resistance movement should be multi-layered with forging of fronts with disparate forces at various levels. We can form fronts of different sections of the people. At the same time we should try to build a consistent and stable anti-fascist core which can weather the numerous inconsistencies and waverings of the different forces with whom we choose to ally in the long term or short term.

For instance, all of us recognize the need for a cultural counter-answer to the fascist revivalist Hindutva cultural onslaught being carried on. Can we reject the role of the intellectuals of the broad left in this fight? So outright rejection of united moves with revisionist forces should be ruled out. Instead if we, at the core, show unity of purpose and consistency we can think of paralysing their wavering and capitulation.

The experience of anti-fascist fronts which came up in the wake of the fascist ascendancy in India show that they were either extended mass fronts of participating parties with certain individuals or such like groupings which did not go beyond a few conventions or seminars. Our current endeavour should avoid a repetition of this experience.

We propose that we begin with united propaganda at the mass level combined with united resistance moves wherever warranted.

We would again like to point out that we should lay stress on the fact that at the helm is a party of extreme reaction, one which carries on the dubious heritage of all that is rotten in Indian society. It is an extreme right party with a mass base as were all big fascist parties. We should undertake massive propaganda on its anti-people policies and expose it. As such characterizing the ideology of this party wedded to big capital as communal fascist brings to the fore its communal character, its majoritarianism which rather serves to conceal its rabid anti-working class, anti-toiler and openly pro-capitalist and neo-liberal character. It appears to be just another bourgeois party (which stands for the rights of the Hindus while being rabidly anti-muslim). This emphasis in our characterization is not only fallacious but also fails to capture the imagination of the masses which are under the influence of religious ideas and are not class conscious.

The fascists cannot be fought through elections is bandied about as a truism but we should try to understand it in its deeper meaning. Forces of the extreme right are given a legitimate space in bourgeois democracies even when they are fringe elements. They represent the wishes and interests of a section of the bourgeoisie. At any particular historical juncture they may become ‘mainstream’ with the discrediting of the usual representatives of the bourgeoisie and their inability to rule as before. It is the same with the RSS, the parent organization of the BJP. It has a long history and inspite of being out of favour and even banned in particular circumstances was accorded legitimacy by the powers that be. With the furthering of the neo-liberal counter-revolution and the thrust of the fascists in power and their final decisive electoral triumph it has been able to capture important positions in state power and has got entrenched there. Further numerous laws and departments have been created which give quarter to the fascist thugs. The case of cow vigilantes is one such. The deep state has also been active in this regard. In the event of an electoral defeat and with any liberal party or coalition coming to power the Sangh’s strategic positions would remain and it can hit back at any favourable juncture. The inroads made are important and so is the spread of vicious reactionary ideas in society in the name of ancient national glory or national (anti-muslim) resurgence and hindu practices would be used in its favour. Will the Congress, for instance, with its compromising nature be able destroy these positions? Certainly not. Let us remember that the guru of RSS, Golwalkar, talked about self-regulation by society and the BJP through its lynch mobs and legions of organisations of lumpen elements like the Bajrang Dal seeks to practice such regulation. In such a situation the street can be called to exercise its options in favour of the fascists. It is here that we find the need for the dovetailing of anti-fascist and revolutionary tasks for dislodging the fascists from the commanding heights of our state and polity which would require fulfilling thorough-going anti-fascist tasks.

While taking on the anti-fascist fight in earnest we should keep in mind our ultimate task, that of building a socialist society. The crisis of democracy as it has ‘matured’ under finance capital has stripped capitalism of its ‘legitimacy’ worldwide. As such we should use this opportunity to promote our attack on capital and question the rationale of its very existence in our propaganda.

We should note that the world economy is mired in crisis and all indicators show that it is going to get worse. India will be badly affected too notwithstanding the rhetoric of our rulers. Connected with this is the sharp deterioration in the living conditions of the masses. Such conditions also provide fascists with a social basis (the declasse elements). Even so the fact is they have no answer to the crisis and that makes for the strength of the anti-capitalist movement. Painstaking work of propaganda and agitation would definitely make them veer towards the revolutionary cause.

Having said that we should note that the fascist party here has as its social basis not only declasse petty bourgeois or proletarian elements but also the so-called aspiring middle class. Having gained from the policies of Liberalisation, Globalisation and Privatisation they like to celebrate and assert their success in terms of bravado and bragging which gels with the agenda of the BJP, its propaganda about its success in the international stage, its status as "global power" and its muscular communal nationalism. Hindu revivalistic practices are also part of this assertion. Its individualism positions it against the have nots who are seen as losers and not worthy of anything. The BJP's agenda with its unabashed neo-liberal plank, its celebration of so-called wealth creators, is in accordance with the position of these "winners". We should remember that this section of the petty bourgeoisie and labour aristocracy is a sort of opinion builder and we ought to counter the propaganda of this section too.

Hindu revivalism which eo ipso means assertion of upper caste hegemony should also be countered with concrete propaganda by bringing out its casteist bias. This revivalism which bases itself on anti-muslim propaganda mainly should be countered and that brings us to the need for anti-communal propaganda and agitation.

As such we should note that the fascist party is the party of the corporates. In the name of development it openly takes the side of the big bourgeoisie. We should underscore the fact that unlike the fascists of Europe the fascist party in India does not use anti-capitalist rhetoric at all in its propaganda. This is its Achilles' heel or weak point which should be targeted by us. This should not be abjured in the name of economism.

Fascism of the last century was in answer to the exigencies of the situation when there was a serious contention between revolution and counter revolution amidst a crisis. It came on the morrow of the defeat of the proletarian revolution and had not gained ascendancy over a long period. In our opinion present day fascist ascendancy comes on the back of the defeat of the working class that began with the revisionist take over in the Soviet Union. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the distintegration of the Soviet Union bourgeois triumphalism reigned supreme. This led to a spurt in the growth of right wing ideas. This period was marked by the hegemony of right wing economic (neo-liberal) policies world wide. We are riding the trough of the revolutionary curve and as such the extreme right is asserting itself. Noting this we would like to point out to two things – i) the need for revolutionary propaganda, of assertion of anti-capitalist socialist propaganda and not just democratic assertion. This also means that we should not cease our attack on revisionist politics even as we make united moves with them on various issues and ii) we should note that extreme right wing forces having gained ground through a very long period spanning several decades has been able to gain strength. Hence we find dismay and frustration among the working class ranks regarding the efficacy of Left or revolutionary politics. Here Bolshevik politics of the role of the vanguard should be noted and brought to bear upon working class politics.

The failure of the world proletarian revolution to materialise made the masses lose confidence in the Left over a period of time. This makes it incumbent on us to make our anti-fascist moves on a revolutionary plank.

From what has been stated above we can see that the in the concrete conditions of India the fascist party gained strength over a long period of time and the big bourgeoisie could bet on its success and financed it adding massively to its strength. Its organisational gains were consolidated through electoral gains. It came to power not through some coup d'état. As such we should not underestimate the need to work for its electoral defeat which would definitely demoralise its ranks.

This party gained majority in two consecutive general elections and is gradually consolidating its hold over power and the state apparatus. Winning through elections endows it with a legitimacy in the eyes of the masses and gives it the confidence to carry on its fascist agenda. This strength should be noted. Keeping this in mind in this context we should lay stress on extra-parliamentary struggles rather than give way to parliamentary manoeuverings as the official left is doing. Even when contending in the parliamentary arena we should keep this in mind.

To take up all this we should build our front around a solid core, a tried and tested core with its roots in the working class. Only then we can build up synergies to forge ahead otherwise 2 plus 2 can be less that 4.

Even while we are small in numbers such a determined core can steer the front along proper lines. Let us not forget the experience of the very small but militant Bolshevik party of Austria which could make a dent and force the issue of united front upon the social democrats through working among the proletariat and helping catalyse working class uprisings.

With the building of a solid core we can work towards expanding our front by forging unity at various levels with various forces. We suggest a multi-layered front to bring this about.

Let us note that we should not reject in principle forging alliances with temporary or vacillating allies.

We should try to use contradictions within the bourgeois camp. We also ought to take note of the weak organisational strength of the fascists in some key states . Even though uneven strength of fascist forces is a fact we should not discount their overarching reach and their capability to manage local contradictions to their advantage. We should note that the Indian state is highly centralised and it will be suicidal to underestimate the fascist danger because of its organisational weakness is some states of the Indian Union.

We hold it is the lack of confidence in our political and organisational capabilities that makes us wary of such allies. As such a solid core guided by Bolshevik politics is needed to instill such confidence.

Finally we should note that there is still no open fascist dictatorship in India though the danger is looming large. As such we should make use of all democratic liberties and also abjure left adventurism even as we fight right-wing deviations in the movement in the form of, say, parliamentarianism or defeatism.